Tuesday, November 29, 2016

SPLC report on harassment, intimidation in first 10 days after Trump's election

Cassie Miller and Alexandra Werner-Winslow. "Ten Days After: Harassment and Intimidation in the Aftermath of the Election." Southern Poverty Law Center Nov. 29, 2016 https://www.splcenter.org/20161129/ten-days-after-harassment-and-intimidation-aftermath-election

Just a week before the November 8th election, attackers set a church in Greenville, Mississippi, on fire. The historically black church was targeted in what authorities believe was an act of voter intimidation, its walls spray-painted with the phrase “Vote Trump.”

“This kind of attack happened in the 1950s and 1960s,” Greenville’s mayor said, “but it shouldn’t happen in 2016.”

The incident was just a harbinger of what has become a national outbreak of hate, as white supremacists celebrate Donald Trump’s victory.* In the ten days following the election, there were almost 900 reports [n=867 -- see pie chart at left -- pe] of harassment and intimidation from across the nation. Many harassers invoked Trump’s name during assaults, making it clear that the outbreak of hate stemmed in large part from his electoral success.

People have experienced harassment at school, at work, at home, on the street, in public transportation, in their cars, in grocery stores and other places of business, and in their houses of worship. They most often have received messages of hate and intolerance through graffiti and verbal harassment, although a small number also have reported violent physical interactions. Some incidents were directed at the Trump campaign or his supporters.

* * *

In his 60 Minutes interview that aired on November 13, President-elect Trump claimed that he was “surprised to hear” that some of his supporters had been using racial slurs and making threats against African Americans, Latinos, and gays. He shouldn’t have been. In his November 23 interview with The New York Times, Trump claimed he had no idea why white supremacists — the so-called “alt right” — had been “energized” by his campaign. Again, it’s no mystery. Both the harassment since the election and the energy on the radical right are the predictable results of the campaign that Trump waged for the presidency — a campaign marked by incendiary racial statements, the stoking of white racial resentment, and attacks on so-called “political correctness.”

At this point, it is not enough for Trump to look in the camera and say “Stop it!” to the harassers, as he did on 60 Minutes. Nor is it enough for him to simply “disavow” the white supremacists who see him as their champion, as he did at the Times. If he is to make good on the first promise he made as the president-elect — his pledge to “bind the wounds of division” in our country — he must repair the damage that his campaign has caused. Rather than feign ignorance, he must acknowledge that his own words have opened “wounds of division” in our country. Rather than simply saying “Stop it!” and disavowing the radical right, he must speak out forcefully and repeatedly against all forms of bigotry and reach out to the communities his words have injured. And rather than merely saying that he “wants to bring the country together,” his actions must consistently demonstrate he is doing everything in his power to do so. Until president-elect Trump does these things, the hate that his campaign has unleashed is likely to continue to flourish.

* * *

Resisting Trump's rule of law: "[Lawyers] don't do revolution if a strongly worded footnote would suffice." -- Dahlia Lithwick -- plus reax to today's flag- burning Tweetstorm

In no particular order ...

Dahlia Lithwick. "Will Trump’s Rule of Law Be Our Rule of Law?" Slate.com Nov. 9, 2016 http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/jurisprudence/2016/11/trump_s_threat_to_the_rule_of_law.html.

Subhed: "The fate of the entire legal apparatus of government is in the balance."

* * *

For those of us who believe—as the Clintons do—in the basic tenets of constitutional democracy, in respect for the law, and the courts, and for neutral processes, Trump is the end of that line. These words that we use, due process and equality and justice have actual force and meaning. They are the tools and also the end product of the entire enterprise of democracy. They are the only bulwark against totalitarianism we know.

Donald Trump has never seen the law as anything beyond another system for self-enrichment. Judges are tools. Laws are malleable. True justice flows in a singular direction: toward him. And Wednesday the entire edifice of the American legal system answers to that vision, unless it opts not to.

Lawyers are by definition small-c conservative, incrementalist, and cautious. We don’t do revolution if a strongly worded footnote would suffice. We believe in facts. We believe in neutral rules and principles of fairness. We believe in judicial independence. We will be more apt than anyone to try to shift along in Trump’s America, doing our best. Hoping to make it a little more just for the weakest around the margins.

* * *

B.A. (English), Yale, 1990, J.D. 1996, Stanford Law School


Ken Paulson. "Trump tweet set Constitution ablaze: Column." USA Today Nov. 29, 2016 http://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2016/11/29/flag-burning-donald-trump-tweet-first-amendment-ken-paulsonn/94607674/.

Donald Trump is a master at unsettling the settled in 140 characters or fewer.

In a provocative tweet Tuesday morning, the president-elect declared “Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag — if they do, there must be consequences — perhaps loss of citizenship or year in jail!”

As with so many Trump tweets, it’s hard to know whether he’s seriously considering trying to overturn long-established constitutional principles. Sometimes it seems like he’s throwing a rock at a crowd of people just to see them scatter.

* * *

Tweeting proposals has some clear advantages for the president-elect. There’s no need for detailed policy papers and no annoying reporters to ask follow-up questions. One tweet ignites cable television and social media, and suddenly no one’s talking about his cabinet choices or potential business conflicts.

But let’s be clear. This isn’t real. Congress could pass a law punishing flag-burning, but there’s no likelihood the Supreme Court would overturn its 1989 decision or reverse a half-century of protection for symbolic speech.

Justice Antonin Scalia, the man Trump has described as a model for his future Supreme Court appointments, was among the majority that struck down the flag-burning prohibition. Last year, he revisited the decision, drawing on the distinction between his personal views and what the Constitution mandates. "If it were up to me, I would put in jail every sandal-wearing, scruffy-bearded weirdo who burns the American flag," he said. “But I am not king.”

Justice John Paul Stevens, who voted to uphold the flag-burning ban in 1989, had clearly changed his mind by 2004, when he said, “Burning the flag conveys a far different message than it once did. If one were to burn a flag today, the act would convey a message of freedom that ours is a society that is strong enough to tolerate such acts by those whom we despise.”

* * *

There’s some irony in the fact that this nation’s earliest flag desecration laws were designed to in large part to curb the use of the American flag in advertising and marketing. In 1907, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a Nebraska ban on “Stars and Stripes” beer. Today, flags are ever-present in product marketing and this past summer Budweiser even marketed itself as "America.” Let’s drink to that.

Ken Paulson is the president of the Newseum Institute’s First Amendment Center, dean of the College of Media and Entertainment at Middle Tennessee State University and a member of USA TODAY’s Board of Contributors.


Scott Bomboy. "Justice Antonin Scalia rails again about flag-burning 'weirdoes'." Constitution Daily Nov. 12, 2015 http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2015/11/justice-antonin-scalia-rails-again-about-flag-burning-weirdoes/.

Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia was in Philadelphia last night, making remarks about the Court, a controversial flag-burning ruling from 1989, and diversity among his fellow Justices.

Scalia appeared at a Union League in an event moderated by Princeton University’s Robert George, and as usual, the Justice made comments about the original meaning of the Constitution. And according to reports from the event, Scalia also talked the historic Texas v. Johnson flag-burning decision, which is still debated to this day.

Scalia said as a jurist who believes in a pure texualist reading of the Constitution, he has made some tough calls in his career, especially in free-speech cases where his vote went against his personal principles.

“If it were up to me, I would put in jail every sandal-wearing, scruffy-bearded weirdo who burns the American flag,” Scalia said. “But I am not king.”

Scalia made similar comments at a March 2014 appearance in Brooklyn, where he called Gregory Lee Johnson, who brought the 1989 flag-burning lawsuit, a “bearded weirdo.” (He made similar comments at a 2012 appearance in Wyoming, a 2005 appearance at the University of Michigan event and in 2004 at a William and Mary event.)

Back in 1989, Scalia was the fifth and deciding vote in the Texas v. Johnson decision that upheld flag burning in Texas, and a year later, he voted against a federal law that banned flag burning in United States v. Eichman.


Jonathan Chait. "Donald Trump Wants You to Burn the Flag While He Burns the Constitution." Daily Intelligencer, New York Nov. 29 http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/11/trump-wants-you-to-burn-flags-while-he-burns-constitution.html.

... But why would he choose to pick this strange fight? Here is a case where the common complaint that he is distracting the public from unflattering stories rings true. Proposing a flag-burning ban is a classic right-wing nationalist distraction, and Trump has a number of ugly stories from which to distract: his plan for massive, unprecedented corruption, the extreme beliefs of his appointees, a controversy over a recount that highlights his clear defeat in the national vote.

Trump does not want coverage of his plans to enrich himself and his family or to strip the safety net. A fight over patriotism and citizenship frames the president-elect as the champion of American nationalism — giving a kind of legitimacy that overcomes his defeat in the national vote, much as standing on the rubble at Ground Zero erased all complaints about George W. Bush governing from the right after losing the national vote. There may not be flag-burners to fight at this very moment, but surely the president highlighting the issue will encourage protesters to burn flags in defiance, drawing media attention. Thus the opposition will demonstrate that their hatred for Trump is actually hatred for the country. And he will proceed to enrich himself and his party’s donor class.

Trump’s flag-burning tweet is a frightening moment not because his proposal stands any chance of enactment, but because it reflects one of the few signs that his dangerous and authoritarian politics is calculated, and not merely crazy.


Stephen Collinson, "Trump takes aim at First Amendment." CNN Nov. 29, 2016 http://www.cnn.com/2016/11/29/politics/donald-trump-first-amendment/index.html.

The early morning blast was classic Trump, picking at an emotive political scar that enlivens his most loyal supporters, hijacking news coverage and forcing everyone in Washington to respond to his own controversial views -- and then wonder if he really means it. It's a tactic familiar from the presidential campaign when Trump's mastery at wielding Twitter as a weapon was at the heart of his battle plan that demolished the Bush and Clinton political dynasties.

"It is pretty remarkable that the President-elect of the United States is calling for penalties, criminal penalties for protected speech," said CNN senior legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin on Tuesday. "Why is he doing this? That is the question. Is he trying to distract attention from something else? I don't know why he would be, his transition seems to be going pretty well. What is the purpose behind this? I don't really get it."

David Axelrod, a CNN political analyst and former strategist for President Barack Obama, encouraged his Twitter followers Tuesday to pay less attention to what Trump says and more to how he behaves.

"Pressing issue of the day? Best to ignore, unless & until it becomes something more than an AM red meat serving from Dr. Trump & Mr. Tweet," Axelrod tweeted.

Still, the spectacle of a President-elect calling for someone to be disowned by their nation for exercising their constitutional rights -- albeit while acting in a way many Americans find distasteful -- is a shocking one.

* * *

Sunday, November 27, 2016

Rex and lex according to Trump and Henri de Bracton, De legibus & consuetudinibus AngliƦ (ca. 1235)

Cross-posted from Hogfiddle http://hogfiddle.blogspot.com/2016/11/rex-lex-trump-bracton.html Nov. 25.

The Idea of limited government in English history plays during the reign of Elizabeth I, 1558 - 1603. By Edwin Peter Ellertsen. 1975.


https://www.facebook.com/bravenewfilms/photos/pb.7035457015.-2207520000.1480276600./10153894975522016/?type=3&theater

https://www.facebook.com/peter.ellertsen/posts/1771880313073007?pnref=story

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Donald Trump, transcript of editorial board interview with The New York Times, Nov. ___, 2016: As far as the, you know, potential conflict of interests, though, I mean I know that from the standpoint, the law is totally on my side, meaning, the president can’t have a conflict of interest. That’s been reported very widely. Despite that, I don’t want there to be a conflict of interest anyway. And the laws, the president can’t. And I understand why the president can’t have a conflict of interest now because everything a president does in some ways is like a conflict of interest, but I have, I’ve built a very great company and it’s a big company and it’s all over the world. People are starting to see, when they look at all these different jobs, like in India and other things, number one, a job like that builds great relationships with the people of India, so it’s all good. But I have to say, the partners come in, they’re very, very successful people. They come in, they’d say, they said, ‘Would it be possible to have a picture?’ Actually, my children are working on that job. So I can say to them, Arthur, ‘I don’t want to have a picture,’ or, I can take a picture. I mean, I think it’s wonderful to take a picture. I’m fine with a picture. But if it were up to some people, I would never, ever see my daughter Ivanka again. That would be like you never seeing your son again. That wouldn’t be good. That wouldn’t be good. But I’d never, ever see my daughter Ivanka.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/23/us/politics/trump-new-york-times-interview-transcript.html


Oxford University Press, Online Resource Centres. Endicott Administrative Law 2e [Online Resource Centre materials written by Timothy Endicott and Emer Murphy. Updated July 2011.]

Notes on key cases

Chapter 1: Administration and the principles of the constitution

Case of Proclamations (1611) 12 Co Rep 74: Lord Coke held that the Crown has no prerogative to change the common law or statute, or to create new offences. He also held that the King only has the powers that the law allows him. This case is important as it is a move away from arbitrary government. It cements the separation of powers and the subjection of the executive to the rule of law.

Prohibitions del Roy (1607) 77 ER 1342, 12 Co Rep 64: All judicial power is exercised in the name of the monarch, but Lord Coke held that the King could not determine legal disputes in person. The separation of powers required that the task be delegated to the King’s judges. This case reinforced the separation of powers between the executive and the courts.


This is the single most dangerous thing Donald Trump said in his New York Times interview By Chris Cillizza November 22

Trump's statement carried considerable echoes of Richard Nixon's famous/infamous line to interview David Frost three decades ago: "Well, when the president does it, that means it is not illegal.”

It's impossible to know whether Trump was purposely channeling Nixon. (I personally think he wasn't doing so consciously.) In truth, it reminded me as much if not more of Sylvester Stallone as Judge Dredd declaring "I am the law."

No matter where Trump got the idea, it's a very dangerous one for any president to hold: That you (or anyone) is effectively above the law.

U.S. code Title 18 Section 208,

Hiding behind the "well, there's no law that says I can't do this" is not exactly presidential. And a belief that the president isn't bound to do everything he can to avoid the appearance of conflicts of interest suggests a dangerous slippery slope about what a president can and should do in office.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2016/11/22/this-is-the-single-most-dangerous-thing-donald-trump-said-in-his-new-york-times-interview/?tid=pm_politics_pop


Trump’s Kleptocracy Is So Astounding It Already Feels Like Old News By Jonathan Chait

Nov. 23

The question receded into the background, in part because an endless series of other controversies obscured it, in part because Americans couldn’t fathom what Trump had apparently promised: the presidency as an adjunct of his real-estate and branding business. The developing world is filled with ruling families that use the state to amass huge and usually secretive fortunes. Such an arrangement has been heretofore unimaginable in the United States. And yet the surreal has quickly become real.

Astonishingly, the president-¬elect has treated the sanctity of government as a nonissue. In a recent tweet, he pronounced the question of his own enrichment through power to have been settled by the voters (or at least the Electoral College). “Prior to the election it was well known that I have interests in properties all over the world,” he wrote. “Only the crooked media makes this a big deal!” He is not even claiming innocence — he is placing the question itself off-limits.

http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/11/trumps-kleptocracy-already-feels-like-old-news.html


Bracton on the King of England: “The king has a superior, namely, God. Also the law by which he was made king. Also his curia, namely, the earls and barons, because if he is without a bridle, that is without law, they ought to put the bridle on him.” [31]

"The king has no equal within his realm. Subjects cannot be the equals of the ruler, because he would thereby lose his rule, since equal can have no authority over equal, not a fortiori a superior, because he would then be subject to those subjected to him. The king must not be under man but under God and under the law, because the law makes the king... for there is no rex where will rules rather than lex. Since he is the vicar of Jesus Christ, whose vicegerent on earth he is..."[32] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_de_Bracton

De legibus & consuetudinibus AngliƦ The laws and customs of England 1235 AD, 1569


Calvin’s Case (1608).

The law of nature is that which God at the time of creation of the nature of man infused into his heart, for his preservation and direction; and this is lex eterna [the eternal law], the moral law, called also the law of nature. And by this law, written with the finger of God in the heart of man, were the people of God a long time governed, before the law was written by Moses, who was the first reporter or writer of law in the world.

. . .

This law of nature, which indeed is the eternal law of the Creator, infused into the heart of the creature at the time of his creation, was two thousand years before any laws written, and before any judicial or municipal laws. And certain it is, that before judicial or municipal laws were made, Kings did decide causes according to natural equity, and were not tied to any rule or formality of law, but did dare jura [give laws]. https://calvinistinternational.com/2016/08/30/sir-edward-coke-on-the-natural-law/


… the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God … -- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE


Dan Rather, FB, Nov. 22, 10:44 a.m.

Now is a time when none of us can afford to remain seated or silent. We must all stand up to be counted.

http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/12/05/the-real-concerns-of-the-trump-transition HIstory will demand to know which side were you on. This is not a question of politics or party or even policy. This is a question about the very fundamentals of our beautiful experiment in a pluralistic democracy ruled by law.

When I see neo-Nazis raise their hands in terrifying solute, in public, in our nation's capital, I shudder in horror. When I see that action mildly rebuked by a boilerplate statement from the President-elect whom these bigots have praised, the anger in me grows. And when I see some in a pliant press turn that mild statement into what they call a denunciation I cannot hold back any longer.

Our Declaration of Independence bequeaths us our cherished foundational principle: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

These truths may be self-evident but they are not self-replicating. Each generation has to renew these vows. This nation was founded as an opposite pole to the capriciousness of an authoritarian monarch. We set up institutions like a free press and an independent court system to protect our fragile rights. We have survived through bloody spasms of a Civil War and a Civil Rights Movement to extend more of these rights to more of our citizens. But the direction of our ship of state has not always been one of progress. We interned Japanese Americans, Red Baited during the McCarthy era, and more. I feel the rip tide of regression once again swelling under my feet. But I intend to remain standing.

In normal times of a transition in our presidency between an incoming and outgoing administration of differing political parties, there is a certain amount of fretting on one side and gloating on the other. And the press usually takes a stance that the new administration at least deserves to have a chance to get started - a honeymoon period. But these are not normal times. This is not about tax policy, health care, or education - even though all those and more are so important. This is about racism, bigotry, intimidation and the specter of corruption.

But as I stand I do not despair, because I believe the vast majority of Americans stand with me. To all those in Congress of both political parties, to all those in the press, to religious and civic leaders around the country. your voices must be heard. I hope that the President-elect can learn to rise above this and see the dangers that are brewing. If he does and speaks forcibly, and with action, we should be ready to welcome his voice. But of course I am deeply worried that his selections of advisors and cabinet posts suggests otherwise.

To all of you I say, stay vigilant. The great Martin Luther King, Jr. knew that even as a minority, there was strength in numbers in fighting tyranny. Holding hands and marching forward, raising your voice above the din of complacency, can move mountains. And in this case, I believe there is a vast majority who wants to see this nation continue in tolerance and freedom. But it will require speaking. Engage in your civic government. Flood newsrooms or TV networks with your calls if you feel they are slipping into the normalization of extremism. Donate your time and money to causes that will fight to protect our liberties.

We are a great nation. We have survived deep challenges in our past. We can and will do so again. But we cannot be afraid to speak and act to ensure the future we want for our children and grandchildren.

https://www.facebook.com/theDanRather/posts/10157761985710716


FAL. God save thee, my sweet boy!

KING. My Lord Chief Justice, speak to that vain man.

CH. JUST. Have you your wits? Know you what 'tis you speak?

FAL. My King! my Jove! I speak to thee, my heart!

KING. I know thee not, old man: fall to thy prayers.
How ill white hairs become a fool and jester! …

Henry IV, part 2 | Act 5, Scene 5


COMMENT DECEMBER 5, 2016 ISSUE

THE REAL CONCERNS OF THE TRUMP TRANSITION

Amy Davidson

In terms of Trump’s own transition to office, there are indications that the arc of his character is more like a loop. His attacks on everyone from the NBC News reporter assigned to cover him to the cast of “Hamilton” are a repeat of his campaign behavior. He seems unwilling to view the Presidency as an office, which has defined limits, instead of as a new way to express his personal desires, which have none. This is reflected, too, in his supposed gestures of moderation. His waning interest in locking up Hillary Clinton, which he expressed in an interview with the Times last week (“I don’t want to hurt the Clintons. I really don’t”), reveals a view of prosecution as something that a President can decide to unleash or withhold arbitrarily. In the same interview, Trump spoke in vague terms about keeping an “open mind” on international climate-change accords, but he also expressed a distrust of climate scientists, echoing the conspiracy-minded attitude of his campaign.

Trump also seems unwilling to engage seriously in the project of moving from the private sector to the public. The possible conflicts of interest posed by his many businesses, which operate in countries from Turkey to Argentina, can play out in farcical ways, such as when he complained to Nigel Farage, the acting leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party, about the wind farms that mar the view from his golf course in Scotland. But the conflicts potentially involve politicians with more real power than Farage and interests that are more damaging to the United States. It would be difficult to manage them even if Trump were willing to give it a good-faith try, which, so far, has not been the case. “Prior to the election it was well known that I have interests in properties all over the world. Only the crooked media makes this a big deal!” he tweeted last week.

He had said that he would hand the management of his business interests over to his adult children, but they are now advisers to the transition. He claims that, if critics had their way, “I would never, ever see my daughter Ivanka again.” But there has to be distance: if it is not between him and his children, then between his children and the business.

http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/12/05/the-real-concerns-of-the-trump-transition